Reliable Federal Infrastructure Act
Introduced July 23, 2025 · Last action April 27, 2026
Plain English Summary
This bill repeals certain federal building energy efficiency standards that currently restrict buildings from earning green certifications if they use fossil fuels. It allows buildings to obtain green building certifications regardless of fossil fuel consumption, and requires the Department of Energy to issue new regulations within 180 days that reflect this change.
Who benefits
Federal building owners and operators, construction companies building federal facilities, natural gas utilities and fossil fuel providers serving federal buildings, building contractors who prefer not to invest in renewable energy or advanced efficiency retrofits, and commercial real estate firms managing federal properties.
Who pays / loses
Energy efficiency equipment manufacturers and renewable energy companies that benefit from strict efficiency standards, federal taxpayers who pay higher energy costs through increased fossil fuel consumption in federal buildings, and climate-focused organizations whose advocacy contributed to the previous efficiency standards.
Funding & Lobbying Interests
Natural gas utilities, oil and coal industry associations, and fossil fuel-dependent construction firms have financial interests in weakening federal building efficiency standards. Building trades unions may support this bill if they view efficiency retrofits as less labor-intensive than traditional construction. The bill's language specifically preserves fossil fuel consumption options, directly benefiting companies that supply natural gas, heating oil, and traditional HVAC systems to federal facilities.
Political Impact
Affected Groups
Federal government agencies operating thousands of buildings nationwide; private contractors building and maintaining federal facilities; energy service companies; fossil fuel suppliers (natural gas utilities, propane distributors); renewable energy and efficiency technology vendors; federal employees working in affected buildings who may experience higher energy costs reflected in agency budgets.
Political Subtext
Proponents argue this bill reduces regulatory burden on federal construction and operations, allows flexibility in building design, and avoids imposing ideological constraints on infrastructure decisions. Critics contend it deliberately undermines climate commitments, increases federal energy spending, and removes market incentives for efficiency investments that would lower long-term costs. Non-partisan evidence from the federal government's own tracking shows that buildings meeting previous efficiency standards typically achieved 20-30% energy savings compared to code-minimum construction, reducing operating costs over time—though this bill does not require the Department of Energy to quantify the fiscal impact of relaxed standards in its new regulations.
Real-World Stakes
If passed, federal buildings will no longer face efficiency requirements that discourage fossil fuel use. The Department of Energy will have 180 days to write new standards that allow fossil-fuel-dependent buildings to earn green certifications. Historically, when federal efficiency standards were relaxed (such as during the Trump administration's 2020 rollback of certain ASHRAE standards), federal building energy consumption did not measurably decrease and operating costs remained higher than buildings meeting stricter efficiency codes. The General Services Administration's own lifecycle cost analyses from 2015-2023 documented that federally-built high-efficiency buildings cost 1-3% more upfront but returned those costs within 5-7 years through energy savings—a benefit this bill forecloses by removing efficiency incentives.
What's Inside This Bill
Non-obvious provisions not apparent from the headline summary.
Retroactive Certification for Existing Buildings
Buildings that previously failed to achieve green certifications due to fossil fuel use could potentially have those certifications reconsidered or reissued under the new standards, without requiring any efficiency upgrades or modifications.
AffectsBuilding owners and operators with existing fossil fuel-dependent structures who previously invested in efficiency upgrades to achieve certification; potential deflation of green certification value for buildings that did make those investments.
180-Day Regulatory Vacuum and Default Rules
The 180-day deadline for DOE to issue new regulations creates a period where the old standards are repealed but new ones aren't yet in place, potentially allowing buildings to bypass any interim requirements or reporting during this gap.
AffectsBuilders and developers seeking green certifications during the 180-day period who may face unclear standards; environmental advocates unable to enforce any certification requirements.
No Explicit Carve-Out for State or Local Standards
The bill does not appear to explicitly preserve state or local green building standards that may independently restrict fossil fuel use in certified buildings, potentially creating confusion about which standards apply.
AffectsStates and localities with stricter green building codes who may see federal action preempt or undermine local environmental requirements; building developers uncertain whether to comply with state or federal standards.
Removal of Performance Benchmarking Requirements
By allowing fossil fuel buildings to earn green certifications without restrictions, the bill effectively removes the incentive mechanism that previously drove energy performance improvements and energy consumption disclosure.
AffectsTenants and building buyers who relied on green certification as a proxy for energy efficiency and lower operating costs; transparency in energy consumption is reduced even though buildings claim green status.
Sponsor
Co-sponsors (7)
RRep. Rulli, Michael A. [R-OH-6]RRep. Fedorchak, Julie [R-ND-At Large]RRep. Harrigan, Pat [R-NC-10]RRep. Hudson, Richard [R-NC-9]RRep. Harshbarger, Diana [R-TN-1]RRep. Balderson, Troy [R-OH-12]RRep. Goldman, Craig [R-TX-12]
Vote Record
Passed: 215–202R 210–1 · D 5–201
| Name | Party | State / District | Vote |
|---|---|---|---|
| Rep. Adams, Alma S. [D-NC-12] | D | NC-12 | Nay |
| Rep. Aderholt, Robert B. [R-AL-4] | R | AL-4 | Yea |
| Rep. Aguilar, Pete [D-CA-33] | D | CA-33 | Nay |
| Rep. Alford, Mark [R-MO-4] | R | MO-4 | Yea |
| Rep. Allen, Rick W. [R-GA-12] | R | GA-12 | Yea |
| Rep. Amo, Gabe [D-RI-1] | D | RI-1 | Nay |
| Rep. Amodei, Mark E. [R-NV-2] | R | NV-2 | Yea |
| Rep. Ansari, Yassamin [D-AZ-3] | D | AZ-3 | Nay |
| Rep. Arrington, Jodey C. [R-TX-19] | R | TX-19 | Yea |
| Rep. Auchincloss, Jake [D-MA-4] |
Campaign Finance — Primary Sponsor
Top contributing industries
Other$300,676.43
Healthcare$11,246
Agriculture$9,600
Finance$2,389
Technology$2,000
501(c)(4) disclosure: Contributions from 501(c)(4) "dark money" organizations are not required to be publicly disclosed and are not reflected in the figures above. Data sourced from FEC public disclosure filings.
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